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The Impact of Intimate Partner Abuse on Survivors’ Experience of the Workplace
The Impact of Intimate Partner Abuse on Survivors’ Experience of the Workplace
Name: David M Beecham Supervisors: Professor Nickie Charles Professor Annie Phizacklea Content Introduction: Broad Aims of the Research 2Locating the Research: Theoretical Framework 3The Impact of Intimate Partner Abuse on Employment 6The Impact of Employment on Abusive Relationships 8Interference Tactics Employed by Abusers to Restrict their Partners Employment 9Intimate Partner Abuse and Workplace Stigma 10 Employers Response to Intimate Partner Abuse 10 Aims of the Research 13 Research Questions 14 A Pro-feminist Approach 16-18 Methodology: Multi-Method Approach 18-24 Access to Survivors 24 Access to Men within Male Organisations against Male Violence against Women 25 Ethical Issues 26 Safety Issues 27 Appendix: Thesis Chapter Layout and Literature Review 29-34 Bibliography 35
The Impact of Intimate Partner Abuse on Survivors’ Experience of the Workplace
My research will investigate intimate partner abuse (IPA) and the impact this has on survivor’s employment. More specifically, it will examine how IPA affects women’s experiences of the workplace, for example relations with their co-workers and their ability to conduct work etc. Hitherto there has been a considerable amount of literature produced pertaining to IPA and the detrimental impact it has on the lives of women (Yllo 1990; Hague and Malos 1998; Dobash and Dobash 1992) however, the issue of employment has been relatively neglected. This paper presents the proposed research questions and strategies that will be utilised within my PhD. After placing my research within a theoretical framework, I will then discuss the empirical research that has been conducted to date on IPA and the workplace, in which the proposed topic will be located. The discussion will then turn to the research questions and methodology in which ethical issues will also be discussed. This paper will illustrate how this study will contribute to existing IPA research, through originality and the strategies employed. After reviewing the methodology I will then conclude by outlining the timescale in which this research will be conducted and the chapter structure of the proposed thesis (Please see Appendix A). Locating the Research: Theoretical Framework
The theoretical literature surrounding IPA is extensive with the majority being produced from a feminist perspective (Dobash and Dobash, 1979, 1992; Straus et al 1980; Walby 1990; Maynard 1993). Feminist thinking regarding male violence against women was discussed by first wave feminists in the late nineteenth century. However, it is second wave feminism, which emerged in the UK at the latter end of the 1960s which produced three distinctive theories pertaining to male violence against women. There are those feminists (Pizzey 1974) who adhere to the theory that male violence is an individual act in which violence is learnt and is not innate. While other feminists identify capitalism as the fundamental cause of male violence arguing that men become frustrated with their socio-economic status and subsequently release their frustration on their partners. However, the theory primarily adopted by the women’s movement regarding male violence against women identifies the subordination of women within society as the basis of IPA. Feminists such as Dobash and Dobash (1979) and Walby (1990) propose that violence against women is a result of a patriarchal society in which religious institutions, the state and the economic order support one another in order to maintain a gender hierarchy, in which, men are granted power over women. Feminists adhering to this perspective generally emphasises gender and power as key elements of IPA (Yllo 2005). This theoretical perspective regarding IPA has been utilised by women’s organisations such as Women’s Aid England (WAFE) which has successfully highlighted IPA as a political and not a private issue. Other scholars such as Steinmetz and Straus (1974) and Straus et al (1980) acknowledge the feminist assessment of violence against women however, they propose that this does not adequately explain the high prevalence of violence perpetrated by men and women within the family. They argue that the high prevalence of violence within personal relationships is due to people being generally ‘violent’. In order to support their argument they invoke statistics which illustrate a possible sexual-symmetry of violence with women, in some instances, perpetrating more acts of violence then men. However, Kimmel (2002) and Dobash et al (1992) argue that academics and professionals who support the gender symmetry thesis have not considered the overwhelming evidence which identifies women as the predominant victims of IPA. One only has to consider the data gleaned from the 2001 British Crime Survey (BCS) which estimated that 12.9 million instances of domestic violence acts were perpetrated against women compared to 2.5 million against men (Walby and Allen 2004). These statistics cast serious doubt on Straus and Steinmetz’s (1974) and Straus et al’s (1980) thesis of sexual-symmetry of violence, and strengthens the argument that IPA is a gendered issue. Straus et al’s (1980) and Steinmetz and Straus’s (1974) research has been furiously criticised by feminists and professionals working in the field of IPA for illustrating IPA as a non-gendered issue. In addition, feminists argue that the Conflict Tactic Scale (CTS), a quantitative measurement scale utilised by these researchers, does not analyse the context in which the violence occurs; therefore, if a woman uses violence in self-defence this is classified as an act of IPA. Deriving from feminist perspectives are those scholars (Kimmel 2000; Kaufman 1997; Connell 1987; 1995) who examine the issue of violence against women within the context of men studies. One can draw parallels between feminism and certain strains of male studies theorisation of violence against women, for they both place emphasis on gender and power as the basis of IPA. Male studies scholars such as Connell (1987) and Kimmel (2000) integrate gender theory with feminist perspectives regarding male domination. Kimmel (2000) argues that masculinity and femininity are socially constructed with violence being associated with masculinity in certain societies. Furthermore, Kimmel (2000) argues that men do not use violence because they have the power to do so. On the contrary, they use violence to regain power and control when they feel as though their power is eroding. After reviewing the theoretical arguments regarding violence against women, I believe that a pro-feminist/masculinities framework is a suitable grounding for my research. Kimmel’s (2000) thesis regarding men’s use of violence as a means to regain control resonates throughout the empirical research conducted on IPA and its impact on employment. Furthermore, the literature regarding the social construction of gender accepts the existence of patriarchy although; it rejects the concept of patriarchy as a monolithic entity from which men derive power. Kimmel (2000) acknowledges the concept of patriarchy; however, he suggests that it oversimplifies the complexities of a hierarchal gendered society. Kimmel (2000) suggests that one has to consider the socialisation of men and women within our society and how the media perpetuates the ideology of masculinity and continually glorifying and condoning violence. I concur with Kimmel’s (2000) thesis regarding male violence against women and therefore this will be used as the fundamental theoretical framework for my research. (For a more comprehensive discussion regarding the theoretical framework utilised within this study see Appendix B). The Impact of IPA on Employment The limited amount of empirical research that has been conducted on IPA’s impact on employment is predominantly quantitative and focuses on socio-economic aspects such as poverty and the welfare system in the U.S.A. (Shepard and Pence 1988; Lloyd 1997; Lloyd and Taluc 1999; Tolman and Raphael 2000; Danziger et al 1999; Browne et al 1999; Tjaden and Thoennes 2000; Saltzman et al 2002). This research has established that IPA has a detrimental impact on a survivor’s employment, affecting their productivity and attendance. Hitherto, research in the U.K. on the topic of IPA and employment is limited. However, a groundbreaking piece of research was conducted by Walby (2004) in which she concluded that employers and employees lose £2.7 billion per year economic output which can be attributed to time off work due to injury. Walby stated that IPA ‘reduces a person’s capacities and capabilities in many ways, one of which is the ability to work’ with survivors suffering from fear, anxiety and time off work (2004:88). Although Walby’s (2004) research exposed the tremendous financial loses incurred by employers and employees due to IPA, it did not specifically illustrate how IPA affects women’s experience of the workplace. The qualitative research conducted on IPA and employment has revealed an interesting array of results (Riger et al 2002; Moe and Bell 2004; Lynch and Bermann 2004; Swanberg and Logan 2005). This research has established that women who suffer from abuse experience high levels of depression, anxiety and post-traumatic stress, which may inhibit their employment. Furthermore, this research has established that suffers of IPA have a higher level of absenteeism and have been reprimanded by employers. Riger et al’s (2002) research revealed that women who displayed visible signs of abuse were advised by their employer to go home. Although this may seem like an appropriate and sympathetic response, one questions whether this approach could be detrimental to the well-being of abused women by placing them in danger of further abuse. Most of the research conducted on the issue of IPA and employment has emanated from North America and thus one has to question whether conclusions derived from this research can be extrapolated to other countries with different cultures and state systems. Nevertheless, this research has revealed that IPA has a direct negative impact on employment. However, there has been little research which examines how IPA effect’s survivors’ experience of the workplace.
The Impact of Employment on Abusive Relationships Although previous research has been established that IPA has negative consequences, it has also revealed that abused women gain many positive attributes from employment. Moe and Bell’s (2004) research revealed that power dynamics within abusive relationships are transformed when women obtain employment. By women gaining employment it not only empowers them by elevating their economic status but it also restores their self-worth and confidence. Lynch and Bermann’s (2004) specifically explored employment and the positive impact this has on survivor’s perceptions of self. Their research revealed that women who had a strong sense of competency at work had an increase in self-esteem. Furthermore, they suggested that positive experiences of employment might have positive implications on how women perceive themselves within their abusive relationship. Salomon and Bassuk (1999) and Parker (2002) have also illustrated how employment can have positive implications for women experiencing IPA. Parker (2002) revealed that women who suffer from abuse regard employment as a sanctuary from their partner’s behaviour. This literature suggests a relationship between positive work experiences and improved perception of self within abusive relationships; however this relationship is, at present, unclear.
Interference Tactics Employed by Abusers to Restrict their Partners Employment Although employment may have positive consequences on the dynamics within an abusive relationship, it can also motivate an abuser to increase their violent behaviour. Moe and Bell (2004) stated that when women gain employment their abuser may feel as though their control is diminishing and thus will try and prevent their partner from maintaining employment. One can clearly see a correlation between Moe and Bell’s (2004) hypothesis and Kimmel’s (2000) thesis of men utilising violence when they perceive their power or control diminishing or their masculinity being challenged. Swanberg and Logan’s (2005) research revealed how abusers use interference tactics which disrupt their partner’s employment. These interference tactics ranged from sleep deprivation to physically assaulting partners, thus rendering them physically incapable of conducting work. Furthermore, Swanberg and Logan (2005) revealed that instances of IPA transcend from the private sphere into the workplace. With the perpetrator stalking their partner on their journey to and from their workplace, making harassing telephone calls and appearing on their workplace premises. Their research concluded that the effects of IPA have detrimental consequences on woman’s employment and the emotional and physical well-being of their work colleagues. However, it did not evaluate how such abusive incidents affect the relationship between survivors and their work colleagues.
Intimate Partner Abuse and Workplace Stigma Literature emanating from the U.S. regarding workplace stigmatisation (Colella 2001; Mclaughlin et al 2004) suggests that co-workers may have negative perceptions of employees with disabilities, if they consider that the disability was self-inflicted. Although this literature does not specifically refer to IPA as a disability, Duffy et al (2005) established parallels between disability-based stigma and the stigma associated with IPA. It is Duffy et al’s (2005) contention that workers may be unaccommodating towards women who suffer domestic abuse because they perceive the abuse as being self-inflicted. Furthermore, Duffy et al (2005) propose that co-workers could be less accepting of an abused woman’s predicament, especially if work performance is affected, thus increasing their workload. Stigmatisation could have serious consequences on self-confidence and self-worth and thus could lead to abused women resigning from their employment which, as Parker (2002) illustrated, is considered a sanctuary from IPA. Employer’s Response to Intimate Partner Abuse IPA has an economic impact on the NHS, the justice system, employers and employees, thus affecting society as a whole (Walby 2004). It is therefore in employers interested to tackle IPA within the workplace in order to reduce their economic and financial loses. Moreover, employers should be made aware that employment increases abused women’s economic status and, more importantly, can contribute by improving their self-esteem, thus empowering them within their abusive relationship. The issue of violence against women has been on the trade union agenda since the beginning of the 1980s, with the TUC campaigning to integrate violence at work within the guidelines of the 1974 Health and Safety Work Act (Widdowson 1989). However, the TUC concentrated on violence perpetrated by members of the public or co-workers and did not attempt to confront IPA. It is only in the last four years that trade unions such as UNSION, TSSA and USDAW have started to address IPA as a workplace issue. In addition to long standing women’s organisations such as Women’s Aid England, Refuge and Womenkind campaigning for IPA to be addressed within the workplace, a new phenomenon has emerged. Men’s organisations such as White Ribbon and Scottish Men’s Health Forum are campaigning against male violence against women. These men’s organisations against male violence against women are a fascinating and rapidly developing phenomenon both here in the UK and also in North America and Australia. These organisations address the issue of violence against women from a pro-feminist perspective. White Ribbon promotes the ideology that men are not naturally violent but learn to use violence as a means of expressing their masculinity. White Ribbon challenges men to take responsibility for their actions and to work towards ending male violence against women. These organisations conduct workshops with men in educational institutions and workplaces. These workshops raise awareness about IPA and also challenge men to analyse and change their behaviour towards women and each other. Due to the infancy of these men’s organisations there has been little research conducted on their impact within organisations and the motivational factors relating to men’s participation within organisations such as White Ribbon. Therefore, within my research I will examine these men’s organisations in order to discover the shared beliefs that resonant with participants. Furthermore, I will examine the barriers these male organisations face in challenging male violence against women and assess whether their presence is having a positive impact on workplace culture and domestic violence workplace policy. Due to the relentless campaigning by the women’s movement the issue of IPA has now been placed within the public and political domain; with the current Labour government addressing IPA within their Safety and Justice (2003) document. This heightened public awareness has encouraged a growing number of employers to addressed IPA as a workplace issue. It is encouraging to see that employers are challenging IPA within the workplace by implementing polices and raising awareness. However, there are a few concerns regarding the strategies that employers are deploying to tackle IPA. These are (a) the employer KMPG are linking IPA with performance levels due to absenteeism and low productivity displayed by those who are abusers (Pattinson 2006). This approach could have negative consequences, for example, it could improperly illustrate that women who suffer from IPA are incapable of conducting their work. (B) IPA policies promoted by the NHS rely on self-disclosure of IPA by abused women and while self-disclosure of IPA is important, it does not take into account possible workplace stigmatisation which may inhibit disclosure. (C) NHS policy also addresses perpetrators of IPA and stipulates that conduct outside of the workplace could lead to disciplinary action because of its effect on the employment relationship. If a perpetrator was dismissed or reprimanded for his abuse by his employer, this could have negative consequences for their partner, for example this could escalate the abuse within the relationship (Segal 1990). The Aims of the Research Previous research has successfully highlighted that IPA has a devastating impact on employment. With IPA accounting for low levels of economic output and high levels of absenteeism. However, until now there has been no investigation into IPA and how it effect’s survivors’ experience of the workplace. Therefore, the aim of this research is to investigate survivors’ experiences of the workplace in a context where they are abused in their intimate relationship. Furthermore, previous research which has encroached on women’s experiences of the workplace has emanated from North America; hence there is a need to examine the impact of IPA on women’s experience of the workplace within a UK context. The proposed research aims to inform employers wishing to implement IPA workplace policies. Although some employers, such as the NHS have implemented IPA workplace policies, further research needs to be conducted in order to develop our understanding of IPA and the impact it has on survivors’ experience of the workplace. My research therefore has practical implications for the development of IPA policy. This is due to exploring women’s experiences and other environmental factors that might precipitate disclosure of abuse within the workplace, which ultimately could have practical implications regarding the development of workplace IPA policies. Research Questions In order to achieve the research aims there are four research questions. Although these questions address specific aspects pertaining to IPA and employment they are ultimately answering the fundamental issue of survivors’ experience of the workplace. The research questions are:
This question aims to explore how IPA effects a survivors’ perception of themselves within their employment for example, whether they feel confident or insecure in their abilities at work. Incorporated into this question will be the examination of interference tactics as revealed by Swanberg and Logan (2005) and how these effect survivors’ perception of their workplace abilities. Furthermore, this question will explore what employment represents to survivors of IPA, for example do they perceive work as a means of escaping the violence or something that improves their self-worth and confidence. The second question will expand on the previous question by examining how survivors’ perception of their role within the workplace affects their position within their abusive relationship. This question is effectively examining the impact of employment on the dynamics within abusive relationships. This question will examine whether positive experiences of employment help re-establish a women’s self-confidence within her abusive relationship. Drawing on Duffy et al’s (2005) hypothesis of workplace stigmatisation and Swanberg and Logan’s (2005) revelations of perpetrators directly and indirectly affecting survivor’s co-workers; the third question examines how IPA affects survivors’ experiences of workplace relationships. (C.1) What is the impact of IPA on survivors’ experience of workplace relationships? The impact of IPA on a survivor’s workplace relations has previously been neglected and with the introduction of workplace domestic violence policies, which rely on self-discloser of abuse to work colleagues, it is paramount that we understand how IPA affects workplace relationships. (C:2) What have been the employer’s responses towards abused women within the workplace? This question will examine whether survivor’s employers have been active in helping them with their situation. Incorporated into this question will be the examination of IPA workplace policies and men’s organisations such as White Ribbon and Men’s Health Forum Scotland which challenge men’s attitude within workplaces. This aspect of my research should highlight possible areas in which employer awareness of IPA might be developed. A Pro-Feminist Approach My research will be conducted from a pro-feminist perspective, pro-feminist due to the theoretical framework utilised within this research and, more importantly, the researcher being male. Being a male researcher in an arena that is predominantly occupied by women is both new and challenging. It also raises some epistemological, ideological, methodological and ethical concerns. Some feminists (Heath 1987; Kahane 1998; Klein 1989) argue that men cannot produce feminist knowledge or conduct feminist research due to the fact that men see the world through men’s eyes and relate the world to their experiences and not women’s. Klein (1989) is categorically apposed to men conducting feminist research stating that men continually objectify women. In addition, Klein argues that due to the socialisation of men, and not their biology, they are more detached and therefore are unable to grasp, in full, the ‘complexity, nuance, and reality of female experience’ (Klein 1989:108). Feminists such as Harding (1998) argue that those who reject male feminist research are suggesting that feminist thought is biologically and not historically determined. Harding (1987) believes that men can learn to view the world from the perspective of experience and lives that are not their own and thus can generate knowledge from the perspectives of women’s lives. Furthermore, Harding (1992) argues that there can be no one speaker for a collective of women, workers, people of colour or homosexuals. Although Harding’s (1998) epistemological argument regarding situated "knowers" lends plausibility to the male production of feminist knowledge, it does not directly address the affects that gender might have on the interview process. Oakley (1981) has stated that men who conduct feminist research unintentionally reproduce a hierarchical relationship when interviewing women. Thus Oakley argues that gender congruence is a crucial aspect in conducting feminist research, where both the interviewer and interviewee ‘share the same gender socialisation and critical life-experiences, social distance can be minimal’ (1981:55). However, Riessman (1987) challenges Oakley by suggesting that gender congruence is not enough to foster the ‘shared understandings necessary for a successful interview’ (1987:173). Riessman acknowledges that shared meanings between the interviewer and interviewee might by aided by gender congruence, although other factors such as class and cultural congruity could still influence the interview process. Taking into account the feminist epistemological arguments relating to "knowers" and producers of feminist knowledge, it is clear that both opinions regarding males conducting feminist research have merit. However, I support Harding’s (1992) argument regarding men producing feminist knowledge, although I do not accept that men can be feminists [but can be pro-feminist]. Wadworth and Hargreaves (1993) propose that men can conduct pro-feminist research if they can fulfil certain conditions, including making their work accountable to a critical reference group of women who will determine whether it meets their interests and addresses their problems (Wadworth and Hargreaves 1993: cited in Pease 2000:11). My research is pro-feminist supporting the feminist movement against IPA. However, I subscribe to Pease’s (2000) statement that commentary on feminist theory should be exclusively a female discourse; although men have an important role to play within feminism because one of its objectives is to change men as well as women (2000: 12). Methodology: Multi-Method Approach in Capturing Survivors’ Experience of the Workplace Due to my research being pro-feminist I will be employing, what Skinner et al (2005) labels, a "feminist methodology" which encompasses certain principles within the research process, one of which is enabling the voices of women. Some feminists (Reinharz 1979; Stanley and Wise 1983) argue that prevailing methods utilised within social sciences have been used against women, thus more qualitative and interpretive methods should be utilised. Research conducted by Straus et al (1980), in which they employed a quantitative method of inquiry, produced results which indicated a gender symmetry in IPA perpetrators. This had political consequences within the U.S. with funding for women’s refuges being reduced on the premise that men also suffer from IPA (McMillian, 2002). Reinharz (1979) therefore recommends that feminist researchers should utilise qualitative methods because they better reflect the nature of human experience and are therefore more appropriate for acquiring in-depth understanding regarding feelings and emotions. Qualitative research has been criticised for being too subjective, unstructured and reliant upon the qualitative researcher’s ingenuity. Furthermore, it has no standards or procedures, thus rendering replication of the research almost impossible (Bryman 2004). Furthermore, it has been argued that qualitative feminist researchers bias their investigation with political views, thus their results will not be a true representation (Hammersley 1992). After taking into consideration the arguments regarding qualitative methods, I agree with Davis and Srinivasan (1994) who propose that qualitative methods are more effective in capturing ‘the contextual complexity of women’s lives, to capture divergent perspectives among women, and to enable silenced women to tell their own stories in their own voices’ (1994: 348). The aim of my research is to highlight how IPA impacts on survivors’ experiences of the workplace and in order to effectively capture these deeply personal accounts a qualitative method needs to be employed. I therefore intend to employ oral/life histories as my primary method. Due to the sensitive nature of this research and taking account of the fact that I am male, I have considered the amelioration of power within the research process. Survivor’s of IPA have suffered both physically and emotionally and thus are vulnerable to exploitation, therefore I need to be careful not to re-victimise the participants within the research process (Campbell and Dienemann, 2001). In order to conduct research with women, rather than on them, I will endeavour to involve them within the research. Therefore, I will involve the participants throughout the research process by liaising with them and by sending them interview transcripts in order for them to make alterations or further comments. Collaborating with participants will validate my pro-feminist approach, as Wadworth and Hargreaves (1993: cited in Pease 2000) propose, but it will also diminish the power within the research process (Renzetti 1997). Wise (1987) and Ramazanoglu et al (2002) advise that including research participants with the research process is difficult and very demanding for a single researcher. Wise (1987) argues that "participatory research" is an idealistic perspective of research because there is always a product for example, a thesis which is produced above and beyond the needs of the women involved in the project. Due to my research being pro-feminist I will strive to diminish power imbalances between researcher and participant, although being a male researcher will complicate this already complex matter. Oral/Life History The use of oral history within social research has contributed towards feminism granting women a voice, one that is normally repressed (Anderson et al 1991). Oral history allows the researcher to uncover experiences that have been hidden from history; it also challenges historical representations which have been based upon the lives and documentation of men (Perks and Thomson 1998). Whereas a structured interview may restrict a participant from explaining their experience, oral history allows them to express their position using both spoken and unspoken phrases. It is therefore essential that researchers not only listen intensely to what is spoken but also attend to the missing or the ‘presence of absence’ (Anderson et al 1991: 19). Oral history has been criticised for being too subjective and thus incapable of establishing facts. However, as Grele (1998) argues, oral history searchers for truths behind the facts and not facts per se. It has also been argued that people tend to be bias within their oral histories and therefore they should not be taken on their own merit (Humphries 1984). Although oral history has been criticised and, in some cases, totally disregarded by some social scientists, it does however generate a deeper understanding of how people’s lives have been affected by certain events. After reviewing the arguments regarding this method, I have to concur with Anderson et al (1991) who advocate oral history as a method that allows the researcher to capture people’s experiences. I would prefer to conduct oral histories using the traditional face-to-face method of interviewing. However, one has to consider the wishes of those women and men participating within the research. Therefore, if they feel uncomfortable in conducting face-to-face interviews then they will have the option of conducting them over the internet or by telephone. The Internet as a Research Tool The use of the internet to conduct in-depth interviews is still in its infancy and thus some are sceptical of its application due to it not generating the same richness of communication as face-to-face interviews (Baym 1998) and lacking visual feedback (Daft and Langel, 1984: cited in Joinson, 2005). Furthermore, moving from face-to-face to electronically mediated contact, the possibilities for informants to fool the researcher multiply (Hine 2000). The internet does however provide a safe, secure and relatively anonymous environment for participants thus is an effective method in conducting research on sensitive issues such as IPA, alcoholism and rape (Wallace 1999: cited in Mann and Stewart 2000). Furthermore, due to the internet dispelling social cues such as gender, age, race, social statue, facial expression and intonation which is routinely used in face-to-face interviewing, it has a disinhibiting effect on participants (Kiesler, Siegel and McGuire 1984: cited in Hine 2000). Hine (2000) argues that by utilising the internet it forces us to re-examine traditional methods and question why authority has been given to face-to-face interaction. Hine proposes that ethnographies are not evaluated against a pre-existing "reality" rather they are constructions of reality. It is due to the authoritative textual account traditionally relying upon travel, experience and interaction that face-to-face interaction has been given primacy. Examination of IPA Policies As stated earlier, although my research is focused upon examining survivors’ experience of the workplace, other aspects such as IPA workplace policies and men’s organisations will be considered. By taking a pro-feminist prospective and utilising a theoretical framework which places emphasis on the social construction of gender; IPA workplace policies will be analysed using a feminist critical policy approach (Marshall 1997). Traditional policy analysis has been criticised by Bensimon et al (1997) for not taking account of gender and how this ultimately structures society. Marshall (2000) argues that white male dominance is embedded within this social construction of gender and hence policy arenas are, to a large extent, managed and controlled by men. Marshall (2000) advises that one must not neglect the aspect of gender when analysing policy and by utilising a feminist critical policy analysis gender is brought to the fore. Feminist critical policy analysis combines radical, post-structural feminism with critical theory and considers gender to be the fundamental element that structures society (Bensimon and Marshall 1997). This approach totally deconstructs policy analysing the language used and how issues are framed. This feminist analysis will reveal inherent androcentric bias, elements of power and values, which are embedded in IPA polices. In short, feminist critical policy analysis is ‘an approach to policy research that adopts the theoretical and epistemological assumptions of both critical theory and radical feminism’ (Shaw 2004: 59). Men’s Organisations In addition to this policy analysis, an overall examination of organisations against male violence against women will also be included within my research. For this aspect of my research I wish to conduct oral/life histories with men who are involved in these organisations. I preferably want to conduct these interviews face-to-face however, if participants do not wish to do this interviews could be conducted via the internet or telephone. From these interviews I hope to establish the motivating factors behind their involvement with these organisations. Furthermore, these interviews will establish the personal and external barriers these men face in addressing the issue of IPA. In addition, to these interviews I will analyse the literature pertaining to men’s organisations and their involvement with trade unions and employers to see what impact they are having within the IPA arena. Access to Female Participants For this study I wish to conduct 15-20 oral/life histories with women who have been employed and suffered IPA. However, due to my being male researcher gaining access to these women may prove to be difficult. Women’s shelters affiliated with Women’s Aid have strong feminist values and beliefs which includes the exclusion of men. At present, access to abused women has not been negotiated however, I do have a list of contacts that are interested in my research and who have indicated that they may be able to help me acquire my sample. These are mainly professionals and members of NGOs working within the field of IPA. Although efforts will be made to establish participants within the Birmingham and Coventry area this however cannot be guaranteed. In addition to using established contacts, I have made good contact within Women’s Aid England who has suggested that my research could be advertised on their website. I also plan to employ the same techniques as Hobbs (2004) who conducted research on childhood experience of domestic violence. Hobbs (2004) advertise her research within local and national press especially the Guardian’s Women’s Page which it is free to advertise. Access to Men within Male Organisation against Male Violence against Women Access to participants within men’s organisations against male violence against women will be far easier to obtain due to my being male. I wish to conduct 15-20 interviews within men who are involved in these organisations. At present access to this sample has not been negotiated however, due to attending conferences organised by men’s organisations in Scotland and England I have established many contacts. In addition to gaining possible participants, I have also established a contact within the Scottish Men’s Health Forum who has suggested that I might be able to advertise my research on their website and raise publicity in their newsletter. I am also involved within a campaign which is staging an awareness evening in September in which more than a thousand men will come together to demonstrate their concern and commitment in tackling male violence against women. This would be a perfect opportunity to gain further contacts and conduct interviews with these men. Ethical Issues Over the last 30 years there has been a considerable influx of research conducted on IPA, some of which has specifically examined survivor experiences. Due to proliferation in IPA research, attention has been directed towards ethical issues such as the emotional and physical safety of the participants. The physical and emotional safety of the participants is paramount and thus measures such as confidentiality will be implemented to protect the participants both during and after the research process. I recognise that women who have suffered abuse are both physically and mentally vulnerable; therefore it is vital that the perpetrator is not made aware of their partner’s participation. Campbell and Dienemann (2001) advise researchers to be very careful not to revictimise the women who participate in their study. Furthermore, Campbell and Dienemann (2001) recommend that researchers should reiterate to their participants that it is not mandatory to answer all the questions put forward by the researcher and that they may withdraw from the study at any time.
Safety of the Researcher and Participant If the respondent requests that the interview be conducted at their home the researcher needs to be aware of the possible dangers, such as the assailant interrupting. Sullivan and Cain (2004) propose that before the commencement of an interview the researcher should clarify as to the whereabouts of the respondent’s partners. It is vital that the researcher is aware of any possible confrontations with the perpetrator so that they can minimise potential harm to themselves and the participant. In addition to participant’s safety Chatzifotiou (2000) and Ellsberg et al (2001) highlight the negative consequences of conducting research with abused women. Chatzifotiou (2000) highlights the dangers of becoming emotionally attached or involved with participants, and how this involvement can affects a researcher’s mental state. Furthermore, these scholars argue that if researchers become too emotionally involved with participants this blurs the boundaries of the research and therefore questions the legitimacy of informed consent. Ellsberg et al (2001) revealed how it was deeply distressing to listen to the women’s experiences and being unable to help them. Although, I will not be able to provide emotional support for these women in the form of counsellors etc, I will have information available, such as contact numbers of women’s organisations and refuges, if they enquire. It is vitally important that I have emotional support throughout this research and therefore will arrange regular meetings with trained counsellors either within or outside the university. It is now compulsory for researchers to consider the BSA and other ethical codes before a project is sanctioned by an academic institution. This research will therefore be consistent with the BSA and departmental guidelines relating to consent and confidentiality. In designing the research project I have tried to be ethically sensitive in order to eliminate potential issues however, there is no guarantee that ethical problems will be sufficiently resolved (Smith: cited in Kimmel 1988:31).
Appendix A: Thesis Chapter outline Chapter one: Introduction The introduction presents the broad aims of the research and its relevance within the field of IPA research. It also contains an overview of the thesis. Chapter two: IPA and Masculinities This chapter will discuss the theoretical argument pertaining to IPA and thus place my research firmly within a masculinities framework. Furthermore, it will critically examine the range of terminologies used to categorise violence. It is within this discussion that I will justify the utilisation of the term intimate partner abuse. Finally, this chapter will also evaluate and discuss the previous research pertaining to IPA and its impact on employment. Chapter three: Methodology Within this chapter the methodological and ethical issues involved in conducting research on IPA will be discussed. It will examine the implications of my being a male researcher and the arguments pertaining to males conducting pro-feminist research. In addition to discussing gender congruence and power relations within the research process, this chapter will also examine the use of the internet as a research tool and how this can mitigate certain aspects within the research process. There will also be a discussion regarding the use of oral/life history as part of a wider ethnography study into women’s experiences of the workplace. Finally, this chapter will highlight the ethical issues involved in conducting this research. Chapter four: Survivors’ Experience of the Workplace This will examine the oral/life history of survivors’ experience of the workplace. This will incorporate how IPA affects the dynamics of the abusive relationship, how survivors perceive their work and their role within the workplace and workplace relationships. Chapter five: Evaluation of Workplace Polices In this chapter the development of IPA workplace polices by organisations and trade unions will be evaluated. By utilising a feminist critical policy analysis I will examine whether IPA workplace policies are adequately addressing the needs of abused women. Chapter six: Men’s Organisations and their Impact on the Workplace The chapter will examine the factors that motivate these men involved within organisations addressing male violence against women. It will also examine the personal and external barriers that these participants face in their quest to challenge men’s behaviour. Ultimately this chapter will evaluate the success of these organisations to raise awareness and to influence policy development within workplaces. Chapter seven, eight and nine: Presentation and interpretation of the results Chapter ten: Conclusion
Appendix B: Literature Review Violence against women is epidemic throughout the world. In the UK alone one hundred and fifty women per year lose their lives as a result of IPA (Stanko et al 2002). IPA has huge socio-economic implications, not just on abused women, but on the legal system, prisons, and police forces (Kimmel 2000). Form the IPA research conducted over the last four decades a range of theoretical perspectives has developed; these include: sociology, psychology and feminism. Scholars using a sociological approach have tended to analyse family violence and have not specifically concentrated on IPA per se (Steinmetz 1974; Goode 1971; Straus et al 1980). However, sociologist John Goode (1971), the founder of resource theory, proposed that there is a relationship between economic status and violence. Goode (1971) speculated that violence is only used as a last resort when all other means of control fail. Furthermore, Goode argued that and men within lower social classes with limited economic resources are more likely to use violence. Other scholars have favoured psychological explanations, such as Freud’s oedipal drama to explain male violence (Dinnerstein 1977; Chodorow 1978). Most influential is Chodorow’s (1978) analysis, in which she proposed that the separation of young boys from the mother is more traumatic then that for girls; with young boys having to constantly demonstrate that they have successfully disassociated themselves from their mothers and transferred their identity to the father. By successfully separating from the mother the young boy gains masculinity and violence is used to prove successful masculinity. Some have criticised Chodorow’s (1978) assessment of male violence for not taking account of social structures such as patriarchy from which men benefit (Alsop et al, 2002). Kimmel (1990) also rejects Chodorow’s use of psychoanalysis arguing that she does not take into consideration other societies in which masculinity is not associated with violence. In addition, Kimmel states that ‘psychological explanations often assume universal generalisability they take little account of either cross-cultural variations or historical shifts in any culture over time’ (1990: 245). Feminist analysis of IPA offers a difference perspective and generally emphasises gender and power as fundamental elements (Yllo 2005). Feminists adopting this perspective perceive the negative political, sexual, and family experience not as misfortunes, but as a result of male domination within society. These feminists also argue that social norms, values and state institutions perpetuate male domination or "patriarchy". It is within this patriarchal society that women are predominantly victimised by men, in the form rape, sexual harassment within the workplace and domestic violence (Dobash and Dobash 1998). The concept of "patriarchy" has been successful in highlighting the repression of women and as a ‘descriptive and an analytical tool’ (Bryson 1991: 1). However, it has been accused of being too simplistic and not appropriate for explaining women’s position within a modern day, western society (Charles 2000). Use of the term patriarchy has also been criticised for not adequately addressing other important factors such as race/ethnic and class diversity among women (Crenshaw 1994; Gelles 1979). Furthermore, this perspective ignores the social construction of femininity and masculinity and how violence is related to the masculine. Gender scholar Connell (1987) proposed that masculinity and femininity are social constructions created through social practice. However, Connell’s (1987) thesis draws primarily on psychoanalysis, which as discussed earlier, has limitations. Kimmel however (1990) does not subscribe to psychological explanations, instead he suggests that cultural and historical shifts need to be examined in order to explain violence. Kimmel’s thesis integrates a patriarchal analysis with gender theory suggesting that femininity and masculinity has been social constructed in a myriad of ways throughout history. Through this construction of gender, femininity and masculinity have been placed at polar opposites with masculinity incorporating aggression and femininity passivity. As a result of this social construction of gender, men are under the illusion that they are entitled to power; consequently this has created a society in which women as suppressed. I favour Kimmel’s (1990) analyse of male violence due to the fact that he incorporates both a feminist perspective of male domination with a gender theory framework. Kimmel also draws attention to the media and other state institutions which glorify and condone the use of violence. Kimmel vehemently argues that this has a disastrous affect on society and due to violence been liked to masculinity, men see it as a legitimate action which they can utilise. I share Kimmel’s perspective regarding the perpetuation of violence within our culture and the social construction of gender and how this maintains a gender hierarchy in which women are predominantly suppressed.
Domestic Violence in general with a link to Employment By women gaining employment this challenges the masculine ideology that men should be the economic provider and head of the household (Kimmel 1990). Therefore when men’s ideology of masculinity is challenged violence is utilised a means in which men can regain dominance and control. McCullough and Sugimoto (1981) found that violence increased amongst couples when women’s occupational status was higher than their partners. The issue of violence against women has been on the trade union agenda since the beginning of the 1980s, with violence at work being integrated within the guidelines of the 1974 Health and Safety Work Act (Widdowson 1989). This act stipulated that employers should provide a safe working environment for workers "as far as it is reasonably practicable to do so". However, Widdowson (1989) argued that this is an effective get our clause allowing employers to exclude such matters as IPA due to costs. Widdowson (1989) continued by stating that this clause has implications for all workers but they have particular implications for women workers. Within the 1980s the TUC concentrated on violence perpetrated by members of the public or co-workers and did not attempt to confront IPA. Furthermore, the TUC did not acknowledge that (a) violence is a gender issue with women being predominantly victimised and (b) that their male members may actually be perpetrators of IPA or other forms of violence. It is only due to the continual campaign of the women’s movement that trade union’s and certain employers have started to address the issue of IPA within the workplace.
Bibliography for Appendix B
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